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More on the financing, Kreindler & Kreindler

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More on the financing, Kreindler & Kreindler
« on: May 07, 2017, 04:39:59 am »


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When Jim Kreindler got to his midtown Manhattan office on Friday, July 15, 2016, he had a surprise waiting for him. Twice in the previous eight years, Kreindler had been in the room as then-President Barack Obama promised Kreindler’s clients he would declassify a batch of documents that had taken on near mythic importance to those seeking the full truth of who had helped plan and fund the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Now, Kreindler learned, “the 28 pages” as they were known, were open for inspection and it was up to his team to find something of value. It wasn’t long before they did—a single, vague line about a Somali charity in Southern California.

That obscure reference would soon become part of the backbone of an argument that Kreindler and his firm have been making for a long time: Without financial and logistical support from members of the government of Saudi Arabia, the 9/11 attacks would have never taken place.

Proving the link between Saudi Arabia and the hijackers has been Kreindler’s nearly sole focus since the moment, several days after the Twin Towers fell, when grieving families began to file into the lobby of the burly, boisterous 61-year-old’s firm. That firm, Kreindler & Kreindler, was started by his grandfather and brought to prominence by his father, Lee, who the families knew was the man who had won a $3 billion judgment against Libya for the bomb that in 1988 destroyed Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. They were hoping he could find the culprit here, too.

The new filing—which seeks $10 million per death, the same as in the Lockerbie suit—is chock full of obscure names of private citizens and massive charities. Some of the names would be familiar to anyone who has waded into the minutiae of the Joint Inquiry and the lengthy, bestselling 9/11 Commission report. But the new filing also contains a narrative about a trail of money that Kreindler’s team believes will help further implicate the Saudis. That trail is still centered in Southern California, but it involves people whom the firm says no one has connected before. One of the key players: a lanky former teacher’s aide in San Diego.

Early on the morning of January 22, 2004, Omar Abdi Mohamed sat across from Immigration and Customs Enforcement Senior Agent Steve Schultz looking untroubled. He believed he had been called in to talk about his pending citizenship, for which he had applied four years earlier. But the real reason for the interview was more serious. According to a government transcript, as the interview began Mohamed sketched out some of the details of his life. His first wife had been killed during a civil war in Somalia, and their son, now a teenager, lived in the same refugee camp in Kenya.

Agent Schultz knew all this. He and Mohamed had gone over much of the same territory in another interview two years earlier. Mohamed had claimed previously that his Western Somali Relief Agency brought in almost nothing in donations. “It didn’t make it,” he had told Schultz. Money was so tight, he said, that if he and his organization had been given a box of blankets they wouldn’t have been able to afford postage for shipping.

But by now, according to the agent’s later grand jury testimony, Schultz knew this to be untrue. As he and Mohamed were speaking, Schultz’s colleagues were rifling through that stucco home and finding deposit slips that told a very different story. Far from destitute, the Western Somali Relief Agency had received more than $370,000 in donations. The vast majority from the Chicago branch of Global Relief. In the two years between Mohamed’s first interview and his second, Global Relief had been designated by the United States Treasury Department as a supporter of terrorism due to its alleged connections to Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda. What’s more, the agents discovered checks that showed Mohamed quickly moved the cash he had received from Global Relief to a money transfer service that operated throughout the Middle East.

Schultz also knew something else. Mohamed had claimed that his one and only job was as a teacher’s aide. But ICE officials had just discovered that was also untrue. Even before his arrival in the United States, Mohamed had been employed as a “propagator” for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Islamic Affairs, an agency long suspected of ties to extremists. For nearly a decade, Mohamed had received $1,750 a month to provide written reports on the local Islamic community. Even Mohamed’s listed reason for obtaining a religious worker’s visa, that he was to assist a San Diego imam, had been untrue. That same imam had told Schultz that Mohamed didn’t actually do any work. The mosque where he was supposedly first employed was just a small apartment. The story had been a ruse meant to help him gain entry into the United States.

This might have been the last anyone ever heard of Mohamed if it hadn’t been for a member of Kreindler’s team who noticed that one vague line in the “28 pages.” It was a reference to a Somali nonprofit that, according to an FBI agent, “may allow the Saudi government to provide al Qaeda with funding through covert or indirect means.” They knew of only one Somali nonprofit with Saudi ties in San Diego—Mohamed’s Western Somali Relief.

During his 2004 interview with ICE, Mohamed said he once had been visited by an official from the Saudi Ministry of Islamic Affairs, the same department from which he was receiving a monthly check. Mohamed gave the man’s name as “Khaleid”, though the last name he offered was garbled. The ICE agent helpfully provided him with one: Sowailem. Khaleid Sowailem was, at the time, the head of Da’Wah, a department within the ministry whose stated goal is proselytizing.

Kreindler’s team took Sowailem’s name and plugged it into their database. They got a hit. Years before, Kreindler had received hundreds of thousands of pages of documents from a Saudi-funded charity called World Assembly of Muslim Youth, which according to the complaint, was linked to Al Qaeda. There, at the top of a single page, it found a note from Khaleid Sowailem written on official letterhead from the ministry. On that note was Sowailem’s phone number at the Saudi Embassy in Washington, D.C. They then plugged that number into the database and, again, out came a hit—this time, one that linked back to the men Kreindler and the rest of the world had already heard of.

According to heavily redacted FBI records gathered after 9/11, in the three months after Bayoumi allegedly randomly ran into and befriended the two hijackers, he also made nearly 100 calls to Saudi officials in the U.S. Thirty of those calls went to the number that Kreindler had uncovered as Sowailem’s line.

In its new filing, Kreindler contends not only that Omar Abdi Mohamed was receiving and passing on hundreds of thousands of dollars from another charity, Global Relief, known to support Al Qaeda, but that the money itself was used to fund the attack. Here’s Kreindler’s theory:

Sometime late in 1998, a Somali Al Qaeda operative named Mohamed Sulaiman Barre established a branch of Dahabshiil in Karachi, Pakistan. (Dahabshiil is like an Islamic Western Union. A Somali-owned, Dubai- and London-based money transfer service.) Barre, who would later be held and interviewed repeatedly at Guantanamo Bay, operated the branch out of his apartment and internet cafes. He never had it registered, either, which meant that a branch supposedly intended to receive and send money to and from the whole world only had the capacity to accept it.

Also in Karachi at the same time was Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the alleged mastermind of 9/11. KSM, as U.S. officials later called him, was the point man for getting money to the 19 hijackers. He did this in a number of different ways, including by sending $100,000 via courier to his nephew in Dubai, who would later wire it to the hijackers in the U.S. (In the interim, KSM’s nephew hid the cash in a laundry bag stored under his bed.)

According to court documents filed in the case against him, starting in December 1998 and continuing until May 2001 Omar Abdi Mohamed wrote 65 checks—some as small as $370; others as large as $60,000—to Dahabshiil. The total amount, some $370,000, is roughly the same as what the 9/11 Commission estimated as the cost of the plot. When John Pistole, deputy assistant director of the FBI’s Counterterrorism Division, testified in 2003 before the Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, he acknowledged a “continuing investigation” into the “origin of the funding of 9/11 back to financial accounts in Pakistan.” When Pakistan’s CIA-equivalent raided Barre’s apartment in November 2001, its agents found that the Dahabshiil employee’s address book was full of aliases and phone numbers for senior Al Qaeda officials. They also interrupted Barre as he shredded documents.

Kreindler’s complaint and other government documents, including the indictment against Omar Abdi Mohamed, trace a circuitous route that would take hundreds of thousands of dollars from the Chicago office of the Al Qaeda-linked charity Global Relief on to San Diego and Omar Abdi Mohamed’s Western Somali Relief Agency, then through the money transfer service Dahabshiil to Karachi, Pakistan, where a waiting Khalid Sheikh Mohammed sent it to his nephew in Dubai, who put it into the pockets of the 19 men who would travel to the United States.

Kreindler’s team knows the chain they’ve put together is missing a link. They have no direct evidence that when Mohamed wrote checks to Dahabshiil from his charity’s bank accounts that they ended up in the Karachi branch. Yet they do have Barre, the Al Qaeda operative who set it up, telling U.S. investigators specifically that he received money from Somalis in the U.S.

Re: More on the financing, Kreindler & Kreindler
« Reply #1 on: May 07, 2017, 09:31:08 am »


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Prison Planet Forum
We have taked about the Somali angle on ppf,

Possibly the same phone number,

al-Barakaat connection
One of the justifications for Barre's continued detention was that American intelligence analysts suspected that Dahabshiil, the Somalia-based hawala he worked for had ties to Al Barakat, another Somalia-based hawala that had its assets frozen, and some of its agents arrested, because it was suspected of laundering money for terrorists. On August 28, 2006 the BBC reported that Al Barakat had been removed from the US terrorist organization watchlist. The BBC's report stated that Al Barakat made the watchlist because American intelligence analysts had suspected it had been used to finance the 9-11 hijackers, but that the 911 Commission had investigated this theory and found it baseless.

Saudi Government
One of Khaleid Sowailem's deputies at Islamic Affiairs would have been Fahad al-Thumairy at the Saudi consulate and KFM in LA
When asked whether he had ever been to San Diego, al-Thumairy recounted one time when Hassan Abukar invited him to the opening of a new mosque. Thumairy said that he only went for dinner and he returned to Los Angeles that same night. He did not know exactly where the mosque was, other than that it was in the city of San Diego. The mosque was called the al-Ansar mosque. Al-Thumairy recalled that both he and Shuaib went that night.

There is a Masjid al-Ansar in San Diego
Masjid Al-Ansar was established in 2000. The building used to be a church was converted to masjid by the help of Allah.

Its address at 4014 Winona Avenue, San Diego, CA 92105 - happens to be around the corner from Omar Abdi Mohamed's Western Somali Relief Agency, at 4979 University Ave, San Diego.
So Mohammed's story that he was visited by Khaleid seems quite plausible.

The 911 Commission however thought he went to Masjid al-Noor, which is just around the corner, based on information from Shaikh.
The an-Nour mosque is also known as the "Somali" mosque. Fahad al-Thumairy, imam of the King Fahad Mosque, Culver City, CA, and a Saudi consular officer was to be the guest preacher at this mosque when it opened in 2000. According to Shaikh, al- Thumairy was late, missed the religious service but attended the dinner at the Aswan Restaurant. Al-Thumairy admits when interviewed; only traveling to San Diego on two occasions.

Al-Noor is around the corner from Al-Ansar anyway

Omars girlfriend at the time
RABIAH HUTCHINSON, the Mudgee-born grandmother accused of being the "grand dame" of extremist jihadis in Australia, says she has limited sympathy for the victims of the Bali bombings because those holidaying on the Indonesian island engaged in pedophilia and drug taking.

And her close friend, Raisah bint Alan Douglas, another Australian convert to radical Islam who also married a suspected terrorist supporter, has praised Osama bin Laden, saying he followed a "correct" version of Islam.

Ms Hutchinson is a former hippie who converted to Islam in Indonesia in 1973. Ms Douglas also hails from country NSW, Dubbo, and has been married five times to Muslim men, including her current husband Omar Abdi Mohamed, a suspected terrorist financier who was deported from the US.

Ms Hutchinson was schooled by the leaders of Jemaah Islamiah, Abdullar Sungkar and Abu Bakar Bashir, at one time marrying the head of JI's Australian wing in the 1990s.

"I have the greatest respect for them," she said of the two men, adding she believed Abu Bakar Bashir was not involved in the Bali attacks which killed 202 people, including 88 Australians.

Ms Douglas spoke openly of her admiration for bin Laden. He followed the "correct" and "undiluted" version of Islam, she said. "It's not a bad thing for Islam, what Osama bin Laden has said. I believe that he has woken a lot of Muslims up to the oppression they were under but didn't realise it."

Later terrorism trials
A 2013 trial about funding for al-Shabaab involved figures from the same community and Al-Ansar mosque, including its Imam

A seemingly related case against al-Shabbab funds Involved Jehad Serwan Mostafa, linked to Bayoumi.

Re: More on the financing, Kreindler & Kreindler
« Reply #2 on: May 07, 2017, 10:17:29 am »


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Care and Global Relief
Boston was home to one of the most significant centers: a branch of the Al Kifah Center based in Brooklyn, which would later be rechristened CARE International.

Although CARE was based in Boston, the radical fundamentalists who ran the charity (a mix of American citizens and immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa) were often disappointed with local Muslims, who were not particularly interested in their cause.

“I hate Boston,” said Mohammed Chehade, a director of the Global Relief Foundation, one of the charities through which CARE laundered its money, in a phone conversation with CARE’s directors that was recorded by the FBI in 2000. “Do you know why I hate it? The men are far from each other, far away, it is a trip between one and another. They are busy. I mean, Boston… if someone wants to stay in America temporarily, it is not a place to be.”

In 2008, Boston-area resident Tarek Mehanna wrote a widely circulated piece called “The Aafia Siddiqui I Saw,” Siddiqui had been an enthusiastic volunteer with CARE International. Siddique has a tie in to al-Barakaat andhe was also married to one of the two financiers of the 9/11 plot from the UAE, Ammar al Baluchi.

Rabih Haddad was a cofounder of GRF and worked for Makhtab al-Khidamat (MAK) in Pakistan in the early 1990s.

In a declaration made by FBI agent Brent E. Potter, GRF communicated with Osama bin Laden’s personal secretary, Wadih el Hage, between 1995 and 1997, The U.S. Treasury department also alleges that GRF received money from Mamoun Darkazanli and Muhammed Galeb Kalaje Zouaydi, two Syrians who were indicted for distributing money to al Qaeda. Darkazanli helped run the Hamburg cell and Zouaydi was an accountant for a powerful Saudi.

co-founder Chehade appears in the Benevolence related indictment, as well:
Agent Kavanaugh testified that the defendants referenced other terrorist groups and leaders in their conversations. [Doc. 1116.] Hassoun mentioned Sheikh Abu Azzam, leader of MAK. [Id. at 145.] In one call, Youssef mentioned to Jayyousi that he and Padilla wanted to visit the Blind Sheikh (Islamic Group of Egypt). [Doc. 1116, p. 167.] Hassoun and Youssef discussed Dr. Ayman al–Zawahiri and Abu Fayez (“Mohammad Chehade”), the leader of the Global Relief Foundation.

Re: More on the financing, Kreindler & Kreindler
« Reply #3 on: Jan 13, 2018, 03:41:12 pm »


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Ammar al-Baluchi

Member of the same al-Baluchi clan as Khalid Sheikh Muhammad (KSM) and Ramzi Yousef, U.S. officials state that he was a "key Lieutenant" of his uncle KSM who assisting KSM in the execution of the September 11 attacks,[5] and that he told investigators that he had sought help in al-Qaeda's efforts to develop biological weapons to use against its enemies.[6]

He reportedly married and then divorced Aafia Siddiqui, the celebrated Pakistani militant and scientist convicted of shooting at US soldiers and incarcerated in the United States.[6]

According to a US government biography, Balouchi "volunteered his services" to uncle KSM in 1997.

According to US officials that the majority of money that came to the Saudi hijackers for the September 11 attacks was transferred through Baluchi and Mustafa al-Hawsawi.[5][11] The 9/11 Commission reported that he "helped them with plane tickets, traveler's checks, and hotel reservations", and "taught them about everyday aspects of life in the West, such as purchasing clothes and ordering food".

On October 10, 1998, Baluchi used his passport to open a bank account with the Emirates Bank International, using the name "Ali" based on his kunya name Ibn Abdulaziz Ali and listing his employer's address with PO box 16958, Jebel Ali, Dubai.[10]

He was then introduced to Marwan al-Shehhi by his uncle, and Shehhi allegedly asked him to help transfer money from Shehhi's company in Dubai to his company in the United States, ostensibly to help avoid banking fees if he transferred the money himself.

Baluchi also married Aafia Siddiqui. Siddiqui is associated with Care Int. in Boston.

The financing of the plot apppears to have come from bank accounts in Pakistan, associated with the family of KSM. WSJ investigator Daniel Pearl was murdered in Pakistan, he appears to have been investigating the financing of the attacks, in particular Omar Saeed Sheikh and Richard Reid, who is mentioned in Baluchi's wiki: "According to US government information, KSM had Balouchi be the "communications intermediary" between al-Qaeda and "shoe bombers" Richard Reid and Saajid Badat.

There is though a weird tie in with Care in Boston through Aafia Siddiqui.
We know Saudi military money flowed from Riggs to Aafia in Boston.

Last Edit by Humphrey


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